Let us take a look at what Johannesburg and Pretoria has been doing during the time Steve had been away from home.
Ever since the publication of the famous National Union Manifesto, Johannesburg had been in a state of turmoil and excitement. At first everything was said in whispers, and all revolutionary acts and preparations were done in stealth; only the Press belonging to the anti-Boer organisation kept up its usual vituperations of the Government, in addition to revolutionary articles well calculated to incite the population to a rebellious state. There seemed to be some electric depression in the atmosphere. Everybody seemed to distrust his neighbour, especially the guilty plotters seemed to dread detection. But soon speech and action became bolder, as it was seen the Government was disinclined to take any strong measures. The policy of the Government seemed to have been one of gentleness and conciliation. All the Government officials had received orders to avoid giving offence, or to do aught to incite the populace, or cause a disturbance of the peace; particular stress was laid on the order to avoid making a show of armed force, either of police or armed Burghers.
This was taken as a confession of weakness on the part of the Government by the revolutionists, and it was resolved to follow up the apparent advantage gained. Open enlistment now went on. Every scamp, ex-prisoner, burglar or vagabond who was willing to take up arms, was enlisted.
But now the weakness of the revolutionists became apparent. When it came to fighting nobody wanted to fight. The thousands of English miners upon whom the capitalistic schemers had reckoned, failed them. These miners were sensible men, and wise in their generation. They argued in this way:
‘Why should we fight? We have nothing to fight for; we have everything we can wish for; we are living in a labourers’ paradise; we are as free as we have never been in our own country; we are prosperous, and pay only 18s. 6d. a year in taxes--that is when we choose to do so. What do we care about the franchise, we are in this country to make money, and we are making it hand over fist. We did not come here to engage in political strife, or to fight the battles of scheming and plotting capitalists who would reward us when once they are in power, by combining against us, and bringing us down to the low level in which our brethren in Europe and America have been brought by capitalists. No, Messrs Cecil Rhodes, Phillips, Leonard, Farrar and company will have to fight their own battles, _we_ are not going to pull the chestnuts out of the fire for them, and then be kicked for our pains--_dead off_!’ Thus the honest Cornishmen and other miners argued. But all the same these miners were patriotic enough, or maybe they did not feel interest in the subject enough to take any active part in the strife at all; be the reason what it may, they refused to take the part of either side, and many of them left the country altogether for the time being. We think, if any were required, this was argument enough, that the real working men, _the people_ (who are generally the first to revolutionise, where revolution is wanted), refused absolutely to have anything to do with this so-called revolution. Not only did they refuse to fight gratuitously, but when the option was given them, either to take up arms or to clear, they chose the latter alternative. This, we say, was argument enough to show that the revolution--so-called--was simply a capitalistic plot, created with mercenary motives.