Diplomacy: Theoretical and Practical Aspects (In Spanish: La diplomacia. Aspectos teóricos y prácticos de su ejercicio profesional) is a 1996 book written by Ismael Moreno Pino, a former ambassador and deputy foreign minister of Mexico, who was active in promoting nuclear disarmament during the Cold War.
Summary
The book seeks to provide a practical and theoretical framework for the study and practice of diplomacy in the context of a rapidly evolving world order in the early 21st century.
Technological innovation, particularly in the field of telecommunications, and the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe transformed international relations. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the widespread implementation of neoliberal policies modified geopolitics in the context of globalism. Diplomacy (defined as, "the art, science or practice of conducting negotiations between countries") had to adapt to play a different role. For Developing countries, foreign transactions constitute one of their survival priorities and mean a constant risk to their sovereignty and self-determination in the face of the advances of the industrialized countries; hence the need to establish a model for both diplomacy and democracy which is capable of creating favorable grounds for peaceful understanding between Nations.
The book consists of 12 chapters. Due to its content, it can be divided into four parts:
The historical and theoretical framework of international relations: the emergence of some forms of organized diplomacy. The text addresses the historical confusion that has arisen between foreign policy, international law, international relations, and diplomatic work. In this regard, it offers the theses of the most recognized specialists to clarify these points; The historical evolution of diplomatic work The diplomatic structure: the establishment of diplomatic missions, their personnel, the agreements that regulate them, as well as their rights, obligations, immunities, among other aspects. The evolution of parliamentary diplomacy
Analysis of the Ten Tragic Days from a diplomatic perspective
In his book, Moreno Pino dedicates an entire section to the response of the diplomatic corps accredited in Mexico to the Ten Tragic Days, a military coup d'état that occurred during one of the most violent period of the Mexican Revolution. The coup overthrew the first democratically elected government in Mexico's history, headed by president Francisco I. Madero and vice-president José María Pino Suárez (the author's grandfather).
At the time, the US government was in the midst of a transfer of power: the outgoing Taft administration was about to hand power to Woodrow Wilson, then the president-elect. Taft, a lame-duck president, favored non-intervention. Wilson, meanwhile, was very close to the Madero administration and rejected the idea of replacing a popularly-elected liberal democrat with a military dictatorship. In stark contrast, Henry Lane Wilson, the U.S. ambassador to Mexico, personally disliked Madero and Pino Suárez. In his dispatches to the White House and the State Department, he exaggerated the gravity of the situation, pleading that the U.S. government employ gunboat diplomacy to force the collapse of the Madero government. In Mexico, he used his significant influence as dean of the diplomatic corps to exert pressure on Madero and Pino Suárez to resign. Taking advantage of the power vacuum in Washington, D.C., the U.S ambassador backed the coup d'état. Moreno Pino describes his actions, which were beyond his remit, as ultra vires.
Manuel Márquez Sterling, the ambassador of Cuba, used his influence to ensure that José Miguel Gómez, the president of Cuba, granted Madero and Pino Suárez diplomatic asylum. Once the Madero administration was overthrown by the military, Márquez Sterling tried to persuade the new de facto government headed by general Victoriano Huerta to ensure that the former leaders could be granted safe conduct to Veracruz where a Cuban battleship was waiting to conduct both men to safety in Havana. Instead, Huerta ordered both men to be assassinated. Although some diplomats, such as the ambassadors of Chile and Japan, also argued in favor of saving the lives of Madero and Pino Suárez (the Japanese legation even granted the Madero family diplomatic asylum after their private residence was burned down by the rebels), Henry Lane Wilson refused to intervene to save the lives of the former president and vice-president, even when the spouses of both men pleaded for him to intervene under humanitarian grounds.