Mr. Evans was evidently indignant. “Well, Mr. Venton is backed by men who contribute heartily for campaign expenses. If you can get along without their aid this fall have your man Williams,” and Mr. Evans strode from the room with a curt “Good-morning.”
The private secretary laid some papers on the governor's desk. The first one that he examined conferred certain valuable privileges, in perpetuity, upon a corporation without requiring any compensation for the franchise. The property thus alienated from public use had been paid for by the people's money. In response to a vigorous push on an electric button, the private secretary appeared.
“Send for Senator Downing. I must see him immediately.”
His Excellency thought, “How can the people's so-called representatives give away the property of the people so indiscriminately? It would not do to mention it, without proof, but I am convinced that all such public robberies are for private gain. Ah, good-morning, Senator.”
Senator Downing was a short, heavily-built man, with dark hair, black eyes, and a jaw and chin indicative of bull-dog pertinacity.
“In your bill, Senate 513, I notice that the railroad Company is not called upon to pay for the great privilege conferred.”
“Why should they? It simply gives them a quick connection with tide-water, and reduced transportation charges means lower prices.”
“How will prices be regulated?” was the Governor's query.
“As they always have been,” replied the Senator brusquely. “Supply and demand--”
“And by combinations called trusts,” added the Governor. “Cannot some provision be made by which the Company will pay a yearly rental? It will reduce the burden of taxation just so much.”
“Perhaps if you recommend it, some attention will be given it, but I should not care to prejudice my political standing by endorsing such an amendment.”
“I will consider the question carefully,” said Quincy, wearily, as he laid down the bill, and Senator Downing departed.
The next bill was what was called “a labour measure.” It gave members of trade unions a right demanded by them, called “peaceful picketing;” in other words, during a strike, the right to use argument, persuasion, in fact any rightful inducement to keep a non-union man from working for the “struck” firm or corporation. The bill had been passed by a majority of 48 in the House, and by the narrow margin of one vote in the Senate. A tie had been expected when the President of the Senate, who was a prominent manufacturer was counted upon to kill the bill. If the Governor vetoed it, the Senate would probably sustain the veto, throwing the greater responsibility upon him, each member voting against the bill sheltering himself behind the veto. Thus do partisans play politics with the head of their party. While he was reading the bill the lieutenant-governor was ushered in again.