Such is the story of the devolution movement in its modern expression. Devolution is an elastic though not a vague term. As I have already said, it is incompatible with repeal of the Union. It predicates a union of some sort—connection with a superior delegating authority, but under that union and subject to that authority its powers of expansion are unlimited. If I may be allowed to quote from myself, an evil habit, I thus defined my position in 1907. I then declared it was:
“(1) Cordial, honest co-operation among Irishmen for their country’s good. A true, living sense of Irish nationality is necessary. Ireland united can accomplish anything in reason.
“(2) The exercise of moderation and common-sense on the part of Irishmen.
“(3) The creation of friendly, fraternal relations between Great Britain and Ireland on both sides—‘let the dead bury their dead.’
“(4) Recognition by Ireland of: (_a_) Her Imperial mission, her share in the larger nationality covered by the Flag, and her consequent duties and responsibilities; and (_b_) of the political necessities of Great Britain.
“(5) Recognition by Great Britain of: (_a_) Irish nationality; and (_b_) of the economic and social requirements of Ireland, and of her just claim for exceptional treatment.”
“... My political creed is clear and simple. One Parliament is my centre; its ultimate effective supremacy is my circumference; but, emanating from that centre, and within that circumscribing limit, I desire to see the largest possible freedom of action and self-governing power delegated to Ireland.”
That was the opinion I then held and, in its general principles, that is the opinion I hold now. I have endeavoured to obtain such a measure of devolution as was at the time practical of attainment. My ideal is devolution on federal lines—that is to say, devolution of a character as nearly analogous as circumstances permit, to such an arrangement as would be come to between co-ordinate legislatures federating for their mutual advantages.
It has been necessary to recall the public declarations of statesmen of the Victorian period in order to get a true conception of the devolution movement in proper perspective. Among English statesmen of the front rank we find Lord Beaconsfield, Lord Salisbury, the Duke of Devonshire, Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Gladstone all admitting the great fact that both for British and for Irish purposes, some scheme of devolution was necessary. It would be easy to multiply instances and to give quotations in profusion, but I have said enough to show that for the last half century statesmen have, for various reasons, advocated devolution. Upon some the necessity has been impressed by deliberate obstruction in the House of Commons, others have been actuated by a desire to relieve congestion and to restore dignity and efficiency to the Commons House of Parliament. Upon others again the conviction has been forced that, under the system created by the Act of Union, Ireland cannot be well governed or contented; and a few have foreseen that both for domestic and Imperial purposes reconstruction on federal lines is desirable. Yet, in spite of this remarkable expression of opinion, nothing has been done, though the necessity for action has become more and more urgent with every passing year, and though many of the objections felt in former days can no longer be entertained. The doubts felt by the Duke of Devonshire as to the fitness of the Irish people to exercise self-governing power have been dispelled by experience of the working of the Act of 1898. The settlement of the land question rightly deemed by Mr. Chamberlain an essential preliminary to, or accompaniment of, political reform, has been half accomplished under the Act of 1903, and can be fully accomplished by reverting to the principles of that Act.