[2] From Robert E. Park, "Sociology and the Social Sciences," _American Journal of Sociology_, XXVI (1920-21), 401-24; XXVII (1921-22), 1-21; 169-83.
[3] Harriet Martineau, _The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte_, freely translated and condensed (London, 1893), II, 61.
[4] Harriet Martineau, _op. cit._, II, 59-61.
[5] Montesquieu, Baron M. de Secondat, _The Spirit of Laws_, translated by Thomas Nugent (Cincinnati, 1873), I, xxxi.
[6] David Hume, _Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding_, Part II, sec. 7.
[7] Condorcet, _Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progrès de l'esprit humain_ (1795), 292. See Paul Barth, _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Sociologie_ (Leipzig, 1897), Part I, pp. 21-23.
[8] _Oeuvres de Saint-Simon et d'Enfantin_ (Paris, 1865-78), XVII, 228. Paul Barth, _op. cit._, Part I, p. 23.
[9] Henry Adams, _The Degradation of the Democratic Dogma_ (New York, 1919), p. 126.
[10] James Harvey Robinson, _The New History, Essays Illustrating the Modern Historical Outlook_ (New York, 1912), pp. 54-55.
[11] James Harvey Robinson, _op. cit._, p. 83.
[12] Wilhelm Windelband, _Geschichte und Naturwissenschaft, Rede zum Antritt des Rectorats der Kaiser-Wilhelms Universität Strassburg_ (Strassburg, 1900). The logical principle outlined by Windelband has been further elaborated by Heinrich Rickert in _Die Grenzen der naturwissenschaftlichen Begriffsbildung, eine logische Einleitung in die historischen Wissenschaften_ (Tübingen u. Leipzig, 1902). See also Georg Simmel, _Die Probleme der Geschichtsphilosophie, eine erkenntnistheoretische Studie_ (2d ed., Leipzig, 1915).
[13] J. Arthur Thomson, _The System of Animate Nature_ (New York, 1920), pp. 8-9. See also Karl Pearson, _The Grammar of Science_ (2d ed.; London, 1900), chap. iii, "The Scientific Law."
[16] Professor Robertson Smith (_Nature_, XLIV, 270), criticizing Westermarck's _History of Human Marriage_, complains that the author has confused history with natural history. "The history of an institution," he writes, "which is controlled by public opinion and regulated by law is not natural history. The true history of marriage begins where the natural history of pairing ends.... To treat these topics (polyandry, kinship through the female only, infanticide, exogamy) as essentially a part of the natural history of pairing involves a tacit assumption that the laws of society are at bottom mere formulated instincts, and this assumption really underlies all our author's theories. His fundamental position compels him, if he will be consistent with himself, to hold that every institution connected with marriage that has universal validity, or forms an integral part of the main line of development, is rooted in instinct, and that institutions which are not based on instinct are necessarily exceptional and unimportant for scientific history."