Copies of the Act of the United States in Congress assembled, of the 2d instant, have been sent to me, and were yesterday received. It would have given me pleasure to have had an opportunity of expressing my sentiments before those acts were passed; but it becomes necessary to take the liberty of doing it now. I, therefore, do myself the honor to enclose a letter written on the 28th day of August last, which was not transmitted before, because Congress were so much engaged, that, as well from that as from other circumstances, those matters, which it relates to, could not properly be brought before them. In the beginning of that letter, the reference made to me on the 23d of August, of two letters from the State of Massachusetts, and of a report upon them, is mentioned. On the 12th of September following, I received the resolutions of that State, which were referred on the 10th; and I have now to observe, that my sentiments on the subject of those resolutions are fully contained in the letter.
I should have sent in that letter, notwithstanding my reasons to the contrary, if I had conceived that any of the subjects it relates to had been in agitation before the United States. And, although Congress have not taken up all the matters mentioned in it, there is some propriety in sending it as it was written, because such objects are better understood when viewed in their connexion with each other, than when separately considered.
I shall say nothing as to the amount of the sum required, because I have not seen the estimates. Congress have certainly considered the supplies necessary, and the abilities of their constituents. Immediately after the apportionments, I find the following clause, "that the said sums, when paid, shall be credited to the accounts of the several States on interest, to be hereafter adjusted." I hope that I shall be pardoned for observing, that I cannot see the necessity of this provision, and that ill consequences will probably result from it. As to the necessity, I will suppose that the proportion of any State were rated so high as greatly to exceed its means of payment, or materially to distress the people, surely Congress might afford redress in the next apportionment by relaxing the demands on such State and dividing the deficiency among others. Nor is it of any consequence whether the disproportion arises from error in laying the quotas, or from a subsequent change of circumstances. It is for this reason that the clause appears unnecessary. The idea of leaving the adjustment of accounts to a future day will discourage the efforts of every State in the Union. They will consider it as determining, in other words, that the accounts shall never be settled at all, or rather, they have already formed that opinion. This has produced discontent, and given rise to complaint. The disputes which must follow cannot but be pernicious. Nor are these the only ill consequences of that provision. I hope that Congress will pardon me, when I state the sentiments, which may arise in the minds of others, although they have no place in my own. Postponing a final adjustment may cast an air of doubt, or even timidity, on the proceedings of the United States. It may be construed into an appearance of leading individual States unwarily into efforts beyond their proportion, or their strength. It may be imagined that there is some want of that firmness and decision, which ought to be the constant companions of sovereign authority. It gives me pain to hazard a difference in opinion with Congress, and, therefore, I quit the subject.