[71] The late Lord Acton pointed out that St. Thomas Aquinas was really the first Whig.
[72] See Introduction to Rousseau's _Social Contract_, by H. J. Tozer.
[73] "That which distinguishes the French Revolution from other political movements is that it was directed by men who had adopted certain speculative a priori conceptions with the fanaticism and proselytising fervour of a religious belief, and the Bible of their Creed was the _Contrat Social_ of Rousseau."--LECKY, _England in Eighteenth Century_, Vol. V.
"The original contract seized on as a watchword by Rousseau's enthusiasm grew from an arid fiction into a great and dangerous deceit of nations."--Sir F. POLLOCK, _History of the Science of Politics_.
[74] Mr. H.J. Tozer. Introduction to Rousseau's _Social Contract_.
[75] See Conway's _Life of Paine_, Vol. I.
[76] Professor T.F. Tout, _England from 1689_.
[79] R.G. Gammage, _History of the Chartist Movement_.
[80] "The condition of the labouring classes was the least satisfactory feature of English life in 1846. Politically they were dumb, for they had no parliamentary votes. Socially they were depressed, though their lot had been considerably improved by an increased demand for labour and by the removal of taxes in Peel's great Budget of 1842. That was the year in which the misery of the English proletariat reached its lowest depth."--HERBERT PAUL, _History of Modern England_.
[81] Justin McCarthy, _Short History of Our Own Times_.
[84] "For a general extension of the franchise, an extension from the occupation franchise to the adult franchise, there does not appear to be any demand, except in connection with the burning question of the franchise for women."--ILBERT, _Parliament_.
[85] "On the mere numerical basis Ireland is much over-represented, but Ireland claims to be treated as a separate entity, and her claims cannot be disregarded."--ILBERT, _Parliament_.
[86] Rt. Hon. A.J. Balfour, M.P., House of Commons, 1910.
[87] "With great tact, and without very much friction, he brought the monarchy into touch with the state of things brought about by the Reform Bill. He did for the Crown what Wellington did for the House of Lords. Just as the Duke saw that the Lords must give up setting themselves against the national will strongly expressed, so did the Prince see that the Crown could no longer exercise those _legal_ rights for which George III. had fought so manfully. Like the Lords, the Crown now became a checking and regulating, rather than a moving, force. It remained as the pledge and symbol of the unity and continuity of the national life, and could do good work in tempering the evils of absolute party government. Such of the royal _prerogatives_ as were not dead must be carried out by ministers. The royal _influence_ continued to run through every branch of the State."--Professor T.F. TOUT, _England from 1689._