But it may perhaps be suggested, that the five per cent impost will not be sufficient for the object in view. This must be acknowledged, but what inference is to be drawn from thence? Not that Congress should ask for more. Under the circumstances in which they are placed it is difficult to ascertain what line of conduct is to be pursued. If they ask further revenues it may be said, that there is weakness in framing new demands before old ones are complied with. Every fund will meet with some opposition, and every opposition encourages new opponents. The evil presses hard. Public credit is at the last gasp, or rather it is expired. Not only are we to expect a formidable clamor from the abused and injured creditors, but there is really very little hope of obtaining foreign loans. For how can it be expected, that a Republic without funds should persuade foreigners to lend them money, while its own citizens, who have already lent theirs, can neither obtain the interest, nor any solid security, either for interest or principal.
This, Sir, is an object of great magnitude, and one which directly or indirectly concerns every inhabitant of the United States. The critical situation we stand in, has rendered it necessary for Congress to demand a decided answer. No time is to be lost, for if the revenues cannot be obtained, the public creditors must be told so in plain terms. The efforts to borrow further sums must cease of course, and then the whole weight of the war must fall on the people, in one mode or the other. It is a very serious question, whether the little applause, which individuals may gain by specious declamations and publications should over balance every consideration of national safety. This serious and important question your Legislature is now, by the representatives of all America, most solemnly called on to decide.
I am, Sir, with perfect respect, your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant,
I do myself the honor to enclose the copy of a paper transmitted to me by the Governor of Virginia. The clothing there mentioned is a part of those supplies for the State of Virginia, which the Court of France have charged to the United States. You will recollect the discussions on the subject. It is with a very sincere desire to remove every disagreeable trace of them, that I have agreed to a proposition made me by the Governor of Virginia, in his letter dated in Council Chamber on the 23d of September last, of which the following is an extract. "The regulations you have entered into for clothing the continental army will render useless to the State a quantity of necessaries now in France, furnished by his Most Christian Majesty; as the terms we have them on, which I have before transmitted to you, are such as will make the payment easy to the United States, we shall be obliged to you to take them off our hands, and take the debt so far as they go to the States. You will have a copy of the invoice enclosed, by which you will see, that they will be useful and necessary for the army, which will, I hope, induce you to oblige the State." The enclosed referred to, is that above mentioned. I make no doubt, that the Court will choose to consider the whole of these supplies as advanced on the credit of the United States. And therefore there is so much the less objection to taking a part of the goods. As for the remainder, I think it better for Congress to adjust the matter with Virginia than to plague the King's Ministers with altercations about it.