A popular, not a professional view of the subject has been attempted. It is amongst the body of the people that false reports have been spread, and to the people this statement is addressed, in hopes that it may tend to correct the evil.
In accordance with the wish of the publishers, a brief introduction has been prefixed, embracing a connected view of all the many attempts which have been made, at various periods to settle, by Congressional legislation, the embarrassing question of slavery. The main object is to show the views entertained upon the subject by the great statesmen who framed the Constitution, and watched over its first developments; and accordingly much more space has been devoted to that early legislation, than to measures which are still fresh in the recollection of those whom we address. The essay is thought to be appropriate in this connection, because the late great Compromise, of which these trials are one of the earliest fruits, is the legitimate consequence of long antecedent measures, and cannot be fully understood or appreciated without bestowing much previous study upon our early political history. The sources from which this introduction has been compiled are strictly original, consisting, as far as possible, of official or semi-official documents and reports.
The following brief essay is not intended to be an argumentative discussion of the subject upon which it treats. Discussions of that sort have abounded so much of late years, that there would be much more presumption than wisdom in any attempt to increase the number. But perhaps it may be matter of interest, now that the conflict has been going on for more than sixty years, to know something of its earlier phases, of its varied successes, and of the deeds done and the words spoken by those who fought the same battle long ago in the infancy of the republic. The region of historical research which we are about to explore, appears to be almost a _terra incognita_ to the majority of the fiery debaters who now-a-days are prosecuting this wordy war; or if they occasionally plunge into it for a moment, it is only to hurry back in premature triumph, dragging captive some unhappy straggling passage of Jefferson or Jay, to serve as a bone of contention for a whole generation of self-constituted agitators in and out of Congress. Now if the object is merely to perpetuate the agitation, the course pursued is unquestionably a wise one; for, short as our national history is, the stock of facts which it supplies us with upon the subject is assuredly large enough, if used with but a tithe of the economy heretofore exhibited, to last till the Union and Time itself shall be no more. But there are some quiet spirits still left who get weary of this hopeless strife, and who can scarcely afford to adopt the advice of the Scotch clergyman--to wait for rest till they get to heaven; who cannot help calling out, “Peace, peace,” however discordant the answer may be; and who, if they needs must fight, would be glad to know what they’re fighting about, fight in earnest and be done with it. To answer, then, at least one of these questions, and suggest to this rapidly increasing class precisely what the present phase of the battle is, and what hopes there are of final peace, this brief historical sketch is attempted. The purpose is not, we repeat it, to discuss the subject; the author aims not at the dignity of a disputant; he is more than satisfied with the humbler task of supplying materials for those who do,--in hopes that if rage and anger have hitherto filled the place of armorers in our battle-field, history may in future discharge the duty a little more creditably. It is proposed, then, to trace the slavery question at length, so far as it has been the source of national difficulties, embarrassments and legislation, with especial reference to its earlier history, and to the clause in the Constitution respecting fugitives, which has lately been made the subject of Congressional action.