In civil suits he also won great celebrity. In the settlement of important land claims, he rendered himself very conspicuous. It is related of him that being engaged in one that involved immense interests, he associated with him a prominent lawyer to whom he intrusted its management, as urgent business demanded his absence from court. Two days were occupied in discussing the legal points that were to govern the instructions of the court to the jury, on all of which his colleague was frustrated. Mr. Clay returned before a decision was rendered, and without acquainting himself with the nature of the testimony, or ascertaining the manner in which the discussion was conducted, after conferring a few minutes with his associate, he prepared and presented in a few words the form in which he wished the instructions to be given, accompanying it with his reasons, which were so convincing that the suit was terminated in his favor, in less than an hour after he reëntered the court room.
His genius and talents now seen and acknowledged by all had gained for him high professional honors, and fitted him to act a prominent part on another and more extended field――that of the patriot politician. The date of his entrance on this field may be placed as far back as 1797, and it is worthy of particular remark, that the first subject he was led to investigate, on approaching it, was one peculiarly calculated to call into exercise those prominent features of his character, philanthropy and patriotism. Slavery, although existing in Kentucky in its mildest form, could not and did not appear to him otherwise than unsightly and revolting――an evil, and one of great magnitude; nor did he hesitate to pronounce it such. To him, its practical tendencies, in public and civil no less than in private and social life, were obviously bad. He saw it diffusing its baneful influences through the halls of legislation, and twining its sable folds around the very pillars of government, contaminating and withering. His was not the position of an unmoved or speculating observer; the mightiest energies, the holiest impulses of his nature were kindled within him, to arrest its progress, to break up the unnatural, the unhallowed alliance. But in yielding, as he did, prompt obedience to those emotions, he did not rush madman-like, impelled by a blind zeal, into the work, regardless of results. The sanguinary consequences of such a course rose up and stared him full in the face, with most appalling power, nor could he shut his eyes to the palpable fact, that it would inevitably eventuate in the utter annihilation of those very interests he sought to protect. It appeared necessary, therefore, to advance cautiously, to sit down, and, divested of all prejudice, wisely count the cost. He found it requisite to act the part of a skilful and experienced operator, not that of a conceited empiric; to have the bandage and the liniment ready before resorting to the scalpel and caultering iron. After taking the most enlightened view of the subject, regarding it in all its aspects and bearings, he came to the conclusion, that the only feasible method which would both ensure the safety of the body politic, and preserve inviolate their domestic institutions, was a gradual disengagement. Hence he sought by every available means, through the press by his touching and eloquent descriptions, by night and by day, to secure the introduction of a provision to that effect, in a new constitution, then under consideration for adoption. Happy would it have been for Kentucky had she listened to the entreaties of her son in this behalf, for slavery would have long since ceased to blacken her borders. His humane efforts were not, however, successful; a majority of the members of the convention being opposed to the provision. It cannot be doubted that Mr. Clay very clearly foresaw that the contest would thus terminate, possessing as he did accurate knowledge of the state of the public mind, in relation to the subject of slavery; hence our surprise and admiration. It is not more certain that his efforts were earnest and vigorous in defence of the measure, than that they were prompted by disinterested motives. The nature of his circumstances at this period is such as to render it certain that he did not stop to estimate the consequences of defeat, either to his popularity or his purse; in short, that so far as personality was concerned, ‘_cui bono_’ was neither in his mind nor on his lips. How ridiculously absurd then, in the light of such abundant evidence to the contrary, the assertions of his enemies, that he was actuated by selfish motives, by an inordinate desire to attract attention. There was no ground for such a desire.