The condition, however, was made the subject of the most stormy debate in the house, and carried. The bill containing it was sent to the senate, which returned it to the house, after rejecting the condition. Neither house would abandon its opinion, consequently the bill for admitting Missouri was defeated, and unfortunately the question was laid over for the action of the next session. This gave time greatly to augment and embitter the tempest of contention that had been raised over this matter in congress, which soon drew within its eddying vortex, in one fierce wrangle, the _entire people_. Their representatives, on the adjournment of congress, carried the infection among them in every direction, which created the most violent monomania relative to this condition, demanding the sacrifice of ease, domestic avocations, and even health itself. The press reeked with inflammatory appeals, and when they reässembled at the session of 1819–20, they were almost wafted to their seats on the wings of the furious commotion. Under such circumstances the discussion was renewed, which was conducted in such an angry manner as to add fresh fuel to the flame raging without. Resolutions in favor of, and opposed to the condition, were passed by several states, and placed on the tables in congress, which already groaned beneath the ponderous weight of similar documents, from associations and public meetings throughout the country. These, instead of shortening, tended only to prolong the debate. At one time, Mr. Clay spoke about four hours against the condition, but his speech, we regret to say, was never reported. Those who were in favor of subjecting her admission to the specific condition, brought forward the acts of congress passed in connection with the admission of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, into the union, which was coupled with a similar condition, or one even more restrictive in relation to slavery, as proof that it had a right to impose conditions on admitting a state. The principal argument of those opposed to the condition was derived from the constitution, which they contended bestowed on congress no power whatever over slaves, except what had already been exercised, in prohibiting their importation after the year 1808, that the slave states never would have joined the confederacy, if the power now claimed had been conferred by the constitution, that the day when it should be usurped, would be the last of the union, that Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama, had been admitted into the union, unsubjected to any such condition, and that therefore Missouri should also be received on the same ground.