[Sidenote: Attitude of Hyde, Digby and others.]
[Sidenote: Revised demands of Confederates.]
Hyde and Colepepper were hostile to the Confederates' demands, and Radcliffe was even violent, 'which,' says a correspondent of Ormonde, 'makes the Irish swagger very severely.' Digby, who was much more favourable to them, said their first propositions were scandalous, and that all negotiations would have to be broken off unless they amended them. Muskerry, on the contrary, had assured Ormonde that their demands were an irreducible minimum. 'Neither,' he said, 'is the highest of them such a rock, but that the King may find a way to satisfy his people in Ireland without prejudice to his party in England. And the real advantage of the assurance of our kingdom, and of a nation so faithfully affected to his service, is much more considerable than the fears and jealousies to discontent a party.' Unfortunately for this argument, Ireland was divided into parties quite as much as England, and concessions to Irish national feeling were certain to deprive the King of all effective English support. In spite of Muskerry's assurance, Digby found him and his colleagues 'beyond expectation counsellable, and they have this day, instead of the former, presented these enclosed propositions, which though in many things unreasonable for the King to grant, yet are not very scandalous for them to ask.' Ormonde wrote to Muskerry advising moderation, and foretold that the time might come when 'his Majesty might with more safety grant, than he can as yet hear propounded' such of the agents' desires as were in themselves just. The amended propositions demanded the repeal of all penal laws affecting the Roman Catholics, their relief from disabilities of every kind, and that a free Parliament, entirely independent of the English legislature, should at once be called. All proceedings of the Irish Parliament since August 7, 1641, should be annulled, as well as all outlawries, attainders, and other acts affecting the Roman Catholics prejudicially since that date. All forfeitures to the Crown in Connaught, Clare, Tipperary, Limerick, Kilkenny, and Wicklow since 1634 were to be abandoned, and the ancient possessors confirmed by law, the Court of Wards abolished, and trained bands established in every Irish county. The other demands were of less importance. Among the proposals waived by the agents was one which virtually placed all titles to land created since the beginning of Elizabeth's reign at the mercy of the Irish Parliament. Another clause proposed to deprive the King of all right to maintain a standing army in Ireland. It was also required 'that the present Government of the said Catholics may continue within their quarters and jurisdictions until the Parliament, and after until their grievances be redressed by Acts of Parliament, and for a convenient time for the execution thereof.' The original propositions were such as might have been dictated by the victors to a conquered country. The amended propositions, though containing many things 'in themselves just,' involved the complete subjection of the Protestants in Ireland, and could never be granted by an English Government. If the King granted them it would only be because he had no longer any real power. The Irish Privy Councillors at Oxford, though more moderate than Coote and his colleagues, held that the toleration of Romish priests had been the cause of the rebellion, that what was called a free Parliament would contain few or no Protestants, most of them having been murdered or exiled, and that Poynings' Act was one of the wisest ever made and 'one of the precious jewels of his Majesty's imperial diadem.'[56]