Massive labour migration from Central Asia to Russia is a comparatively new trend in that it started around 25 years ago when the five Central Asian countries gained independence and only really exploded when the Russian economy began to surge on the back of rising energy prices after the milennium. Currently, seasonal migration is undergoing a transformation into immigration, as many of the region's mostly male migrants have cut ties with home countries and even their families, while a greater number of women from these traditional societies have now begun lives as migrants themselves. Latin American countries have already undergone this transformation. While talking to Maria Julia Arana, a Bolivian-Argentinian journalist specialising in migration, this Global Voices author found that Bolivia's own migration story has much to help us inform our understanding of processes that are ongoing in Central Asia and understand their future impact. Dag Hammarskjöld Scholarship fellow Maria Julia Arana. Photo by the United Nations. Maria Julia Arana: Argentina was once the only and still remains the main destination for labor migrants from Bolivia. When Argentina was hit by a financial crisis at the beginning of the milennium,Brazil, Spain and the United States became alternative routes for Bolivian migrants. More than three million Bolivians out of a population of 11 million go abroad to seek work, and according to official statistics, 73% of all Bolivian migrants now go to Argentina. The first migrants moved to Argentina looking for better work opportunities firstly in the borderland areas (mining and agricultural jobs). These moves were mostly seasonal and temporary, and mostly it was men who were leaving for these jobs. Soon, Bolivians started moving to big cities, like Buenos Aires, and women also had to move seeking work. Now, around 30% of labor migrants from Bolivia in Argentina are women, who work at homes, in manufacturing and in the service industries. The feminization of migration was propitiated not only by the labor market’s demand for domestic workers and caretakers in Argentina and Spain, but also due to a transformation of Bolivian society into one where women had become accustomed to being the main breadwinners in their families. MJA: Bolivian immigrants don’t travel with their families. In the best scenario if the immigrant has established permanent residency in the host country and achieved some economic stability, then they can bring their children to live with them. The country does not rely fully on remittances from migrants, however, as they represent just 3% of the GDP now. [Editor's note: In Tajikistan remittances equated to around 40% of GDP in 2015 while in Kyrgyzstan they were around a third]. There is not much information on how frequently migrants send money back home. Many of them live illegally, and they use informal transfer services, making it difficult to track the flow. Visiting families are also restricted by the legal status of a migrant, especially in Spain, where immigration laws are tough. Restrictions on circular mobility [going out and coming in again] has a resounding impact on family structures, rearranging relationships, both between genders and between generations. Argentina’s more permissive migration laws allow for more frequent returns to Bolivia. This legal context provides increased flexibility for Bolivian migrants to enter, return and live as citizens in their host country. A Bolivian woman in the highlands of the country. Shared on Flickr by the European Commission DG ECHO Flickr account. MJA: Any family separation is a difficult situation for its members. Migration triggers a variety of reactions in both the person, who emigrates and in his or her family members. Some studies like the one by Captura Consulting have found that in periods of increased external migration the divorce rate increases also. The effects of migration fall mainly on the children. They are the most affected by the departure of their parents. The absence of moral, emotional and physical reference has effects on child rearing. However, these impacts are processed differently by each person. In families that have grandparents or uncles to rely on, the children have more opportunities to grow with family values and receive a well-rounded education. In the case of the poorest families, where only the father is in charge of economic support, it is common that they have two or more jobs which reduce the time spent with children. In these situations most vulnerable children are prone to fall into drugs, gangs and all kinds of other problems. Migration also generates changes in intergenerational and gender relationships.