"Elite panic" is a term coined by Rutgers University researchers Caron Chess and Lee Clarke to describe the behavior of members of the elite during disaster events, typically characterized by a fear of civil disorder and the shifting of focus away from disaster relief towards implementing measures of "command and control".
Further research from Scott Bonn suggests that a cozy, mutually beneficial relationship between the news media and political elites plays a significant role in moral panic processes. He draws on prior studies to conclude that the news media and political elites ("especially presidents") work in tandem in the generation of moral panics and societal issues, thus constructing and crafting policy and public concern in relation to their own priorities.
Building on this idea that the media and political elites can manufacture a moral panic, Caron Chess and Lee Clarke, explain that panic persists for both practical and political reasons. Clarke and Chess state that in the face of overwhelming evidence that panic is rare among societies, policymakers still assume it likely based on their production of disaster plans as well as other emergency management preparations. In terms of political reasons, Clarke and Chess describe that a consolidation of authority that arises during panics correlates with institutional interests. That is to say, if it is assumed that a disaster will lead to public panic, then it can be expected that government authorities will communicate to citizens in an encouraging manner, possess and sometimes withhold crucial information, and consolidate as many resources as they can. Clarke and Chess cite disaster sociologist Kathleen Tierney when concluding that these three circumstances all promote further power to the highest reaches of these government organizations.
Characteristics
Disaster sociologist Kathleen Tierney describes "elite panic" as being based in: "fear of social disorder" "fear of poor, minorities and immigrants" "obsession with looting and property crime" "willingness to resort to deadly force" "actions taken on the basis of rumor"
"Elite panic" during a disaster event can take on a number of forms, chiefly that of a phobia of civil disorder among the lower classes and enforcing the protection of private property. It can manifest itself through restrictions on freedom of movement, limiting the spread of information and excessive devotion to law enforcement, in some cases "undermin[ing] the public's capacity for resilient behaviors." After a disaster event, it can also be used to justify scapegoating individuals and quickly pushing through political reforms.
According to Tierney, "elite panic" is often fueled by the effect that responses to disaster events can have on the careers of political leaders, citing the political fallout in the wake of Hurricane Andrew in Florida as well as the boon to Rudy Giuliani's image following the September 11 attacks.
James Hawdon, director of the Center for Peace Studies and Violence Prevention at Virginia Tech concluded that, in times of crisis, a disciplinary rhetoric from a president can heighten public concern about an issue and can result in a moral panic.
To add further context, sociologist Frank Furedi argues that it has never been easier for the State to manufacture a moral panic. He explains that the interrelations between societies in conjunction with the abundance of media access has created a novel phenomenon where governments can foster specific social, religious, or political outcomes.
Examples
Philip L. Fradkin detailed cases of "elite panic" during the Great Chicago Fire, the 1900 Galveston hurricane and the 1906 San Francisco earthquake. After the San Francisco earthquake, Mayor Eugene Schmitz authorized the use of deadly force against "anyone engaged in looting" – chiefly poor and working class victims of the earthquake. While residents of Chinese descent evacuated the disaster areas, and were segregated from white victims of the earthquake, Chinatown was itself looted by soldiers and members of the city's upper classes.
Following the 1964 Alaska earthquake, the Anchorage Police Department suspended search and rescue efforts and hastily deputized a number of people as officers in order to act as protection from what they believed would be an inevitable increase in criminal activity, despite Anchorage residents largely engaging in emergency management.