The acts of March 2 and 23, 1867, which admitted the
freedmen to suffrage, gave rise to one of the most remarkable
political contents in history. The mere grant of the ballot to the
negroes, however, did not necessitate a break in the relations
between masters and men. At first, indeed, it was a question
whether the traditional influence of planters over slaves would
not continue to prevail, and the colored vote be largely under
conservative control. In the early months of 1867 many
Southern people hoped for such a result. John
Minor Botts, a politician of long experience, declared his
opposition to negro suffrage, because he believed that the
freedmen would support the Democratic policies. As the
white men in the South had not been able to resist the
influences of that party, how could the negroes? This illusion was quickly dispelled. Doubtless if the freedmen had been left to themselves by their Northern friends, they would have united with their former masters and have voted solidly at their dictation. The negroes would hardly have been able to assert their independence of the white race without outside assistance. But new forces had begun to work upon them. The Union soldiery, the schools taught by radicals, Northern settlers, itinerant politicians all moved the blacks to sever their old connections. But potent as such agencies were, some strong form of organization was necessary to bring about that solid array of the black race against the white which was a feature of the reconstruction. This result came largely through the Freedmen's Bureau and the Union League. By means of the
[1] New York Tribune, March 17, 1867. [2] Richmond Enquirer, July 8, 1867.
The Freedmen's Bureau and the Union League. p.55
former institution the control of the negroes was taken
out of the hands of the planters and given over to Northern
officials. The bureau thus existed in the community as a
foreign and independent judicial, social, economic and political
power. Consequently, by the spring of 1867, it had
done much to emancipate the colored race from Southern
dominance. But it might have been expected that the
blacks would be outgeneraled politically by the astute whites. Yet this did not happen. On the other hand, the freedmen were well organized and incorporated as a body in the Republican party. The radical politicians accomplished this clever feat by means of a political secret society called the Union League. At the close of the Civil War, the freedmen found themselves confronted by the responsibilities as well as the privileges of freedmen. They were not well prepared for the sudden manumission, and they naturally wished to enjoy this novel liberty. Some of them indeed remained on plantations, but thousands wandered about idly, committing many depredations, or else hastened to the cities and towns. Consequently there was a great scarcity of farm laborers, and agriculture suffered. The farmers could not afford to pay good wages and the negroes were unwilling generally to work for little. Moreover, emancipation had unsettled their mmds by promising a new future. It was proper, therefore, that the Federal government, which was responsible for emancipation, should have made some provision for the immediate care of the homeless, propertyless race. The characteristic institution of the reconstruction, the Freedmen's Bureau, was established in Virginia on June 15, 1865, when the assistant commissioner, Brevet Brigadier-General Orlando Brown, took charge of the freedmen's
[3] Richmond Whig, July 10, 1865. Ex. Docs., 1st session, 39th Congress, No. 72, p. 144. [4] Alexandria Gazette, August 2, 1865. Fredericksburg New Era, July 6, 1865.