Auff dinstag nach sebastians vnd fabianes hat myr der H. crumellus my_ne_ abschaidt der massen ggeben dasz im s. h. der konnig befolen myr an zu sag_en_ my_nem_ g. h. sonderliche_n_ dangk zu sagen vnd sien ir may_estä_t my_nem_ g. h. myt allem fruntliche_n_ willen auch allesz dasz zu thon dasz my_nem_ h. zu ere_n_ vnd guttem kome zu willefare_n_ hoich geneigk vnd ir. may_estä_t habe die saichen nicht anderst dan truelich_en_ von myr vorstand_en_ vnd ir. may_estä_t sie myr vor myne p_er_son myt allen genad_en_ geneigk dar auff gancz myn_en_ abschaidt geno_m_me_n_. geschechen auff die tage wie ob stehet anno etc. xl in vrkunt my_ne_ hant
_Endd._ ‘Relation Ludove. von baumbachs aus Engelland vff d. gesheene ve_r_warnung.’
While Henry and Cromwell had been occupied in negotiations with various German princes, the Emperor and the French King had not been idle. Every day seemed to bring some fresh confirmation of the unwelcome news that the two monarchs were again on the most friendly terms. By the middle of December the anxiety of England reached the highest pitch, for the report came that Francis and Charles had actually met at Loches, and that their first interview had been marked by every demonstration of cordiality[677]. The French King accompanied the Emperor on his journey northward, and on New Year’s Day they entered Paris together amid great rejoicing. For eight days the Louvre saw a succession of balls, fêtes, and jousts. It is said that Jean Cousin was ordered to make a bust of the Emperor[678].
But if the meeting of Charles and Francis and their apparently perfect amity were the cause of profound alarm in England, the proximity of the two rivals furnished at the same time an admirable opportunity for a last attempt to stir up jealousy between them. The King, who as we have seen had never even in his most anxious moments abandoned the hope of fomenting discord between the two sovereigns, was not the man to permit this chance to escape him. Sir Thomas Wyatt, who had been recalled from Spain a short time before, was now sent back to Paris to co-operate with Bonner, the ambassador to France, in the endeavour to make use of the situation for Henry’s purposes[679]. His instructions to express the King’s joy at the prospect of a renewal of amity between Francis and Charles were of course merely a blind to cover his real intentions. It was not long before the character of the latter was made plainly evident. Wyatt wrote a full account of his proceedings to Henry on January 7, 1540[680]. In his letter he did not say whether he paid any attention to the written instructions which the King had previously given him or not, but reported his endeavours to obtain the arrest of one Brancetour, an Englishman in the Emperor’s train, whom the Act of Attainder of 1539 had condemned. From Wyatt’s account, however, it appears that the actual taking of Brancetour was a matter of secondary importance, compared to the possibility it opened of stirring up a quarrel between Francis and Charles. The two ambassadors had waited upon the French King, and had readily obtained his consent to the arrest. Brancetour was taken, but insisted that he acknowledged no master except the Emperor, and was consequently not amenable to English law. He applied to Charles, who of course refused to give his servant up; the matter was again brought before the French King, who, being far more anxious to secure the good will of the Emperor than that of Henry, gave orders for the prisoner’s release. At first it seemed as if the efforts of the two ambassadors had merely resulted in drawing Charles and Francis closer together. Chagrined at the failure of his efforts, Bonner had made matters worse by rudely remonstrating with the French King for permitting Brancetour to be restored to liberty. The chief result of this proceeding was that the English ambassador became so generally hated at the French Court on account of his bluntness and discourtesy, that Henry felt obliged to recall him in favour of Sir John Wallop[681].