Codevelopment is a trend of thought and a development strategy in development studies which considers migrants to be a developing factor for their countries of origin.
Although it is widely accepted that it was French scholar Sami Naïr who first coined the word codevelopment, it is believed this phenomenon has existed alongside migrations since they exist. Traditionally, immigrants (especially those who migrate for economic reasons) have, collectively or individually, supported their communities of origin.
In 1997 Sami Naïr, while directing the Interministerial Mission on Migration/Codevelopment, defined this last concept as a proposal for integrating immigration and development in a way that migration fluxes will benefit both the country of origin and the country of destination. This is, a consensual relationship between two countries that will allow migration to the country of destiny not to imply an equivalent loss in the country of origin.
Adherents to this model believe that it fosters mutual collaboration among countries in a way that traditional and hierarchical north–south development focus did not. In this context, immigrant initiatives enrich the countries of origin both from a cultural and a human resources perspective. Their condition as transnational citizens would allow them a better understanding of the needs of both the communities of origin and destination. For this reason, their participation in projects involving members of their communities, in both “their” countries would be more effective, as priorities and needs would be correctly identified. On the other hand, this participation would also work as an integrating force in the destination countries, as they would be perceived as an enriching factor by the public opinion and institutions.
Migration control
In countries receiving immigration, codevelopment has been implemented by the institutions in a different way. Since they were first implemented in France, codevelopment initiatives in Europe have been frequently linked to control of the migration fluxes, often promoting the return of immigrants.
At a European level, codevelopment was first mentioned during the Tampere Summit held in October 1999, when the European Council defined 5 guidelines for the new European migration policy aimed at a common space of "Liberty, Security and Justice". Anyhow, critics consider that Tampere quickly shifted towards a Fortress Europe mentality, limiting development aid to those countries willing to implement migration control measures and accepting repatriations.
An example of this tendency may be found in the imbalance between the 23 million euro budget that the EU plans on investing in the Schengen Information System and the Visa Information System (aimed at a further immigrant identification and control) with the 3 million euro budget (4 million in its second year) granted to codevelopment projects.
Spain
Since the late nineties, codevelopment has been the subject of postgraduate studies, specialist courses, discussions and forums among multiple stakeholders, as well as calls for project grants by some local and regional administrations, beginning with the Municipality of Madrid. These authorities quickly became aware of the local impact of the presence of new immigrant communities, the importance of the links that bind them with their communities of origin, and the desirability of relating them in any future action to support the policies of cooperation. Other countries that experience timely migration as a result of an increase in workforce demand view Codevelopment policies as their main method of influencing and facilitating such operations. Such policies had a much stronger presence and development in the regional and local levels.
At the state level, in accordance with Tampere Summit on Migration, the GRECO Plan on migration management (Programa Global de Regulación y Coordinación de la Extranjería y la Inmigración 2000–2004), was launched by the Interior Ministry in 2001. This Plan devoted an important space for “joint development”, in line with the policies of Tampere and the French government. GRECO insisted on technical and educational cooperation, the voluntary return of migrants, the channelling of migrants’ remittances to development projects, and finally, on the cooperation with those governments that were ready to accept the returned illegal migrants, as well as to control the exit of their citizens with destination Spain. Codevelopment was not mentioned as a policy line in the Immigration law passed in 2000 and did not receive proper funding within the GRECO's framework.